Let the West be One: Why the western alliance is needed more than ever

This article first appeared in Haaretz on 18 April, 2008.

The Western alliance has been a fractious affair at the best of times. That's hardly surprising. In an alliance of democracies, where domestic politics actively shape foreign policy, and free market economies, where competition is the norm, serious disagreements are to be expected. But when one adds to the blend satiated (some would say "fat"), aging, jaded societies that are increasingly reluctant to accept the concept of sacrifice, the question of the alliance's ability to be effective becomes a real concern.

There are many who would argue that the nearly eight years of the Bush administration have shown the Western alliance at both its best and its worst. Following the 9/11 attacks, the alliance was at the peak of cohesion, activating Article 5 of the NATO charter - by which the organization is mobilized in defense of a member state under attack - for the first time since its establishment

in 1949. But following the toppling of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the alliance began to show cracks, with Iraq becoming a veritable fault line - as the Bush administration opted increasingly to go it alone. Most recently, the question of relations with Russia returned to the fore, with Washington seemingly ready to risk the possibility of a renewed cold war in Europe. The decision at NATO's Bucharest Summit, earlier this month, not to invite Ukraine and Georgia to join the alliance right now signaled a failure for the Bush administration, and perhaps even the end to a period in which NATO expansion eastward was considered an effective tool of democratization and stability.

The past eight years of tumult within the alliance have given many critics plenty of ammunition to decry NATO's relevance. Moreover, the unilateralism of the Bush administration has aggravated one of the thorniest and most sensitive issues for all alliances: equality among members. Even though it is historically not unusual for alliances to be centered around a major power, the Western alliance is anything but normative: It has managed to survive nearly 60 years, in part because of unparalleled consensus; and has contributed to and coexisted with the emergence of an alliance of European democracies − the European Union. As such, not only has the longevity of the alliance meant that member states have changed considerably since the early years, but the emergence of the EU has created rival institutions to NATO, and increasingly a sense that the Western alliance should come to represent a more equal cooperation between two large units - the U.S. and the EU.

This requires significant shifts in mindsets, both in Washington and in European capitals: Foreign policy and security priorities must be assessed differently, with broader interests in mind, and at the same time contributions and capabilities in personnel and hardware must be more readily forthcoming. When one adds to this equation the fact that not all European members of NATO are EU members - with Turkey, in particular, embodying complexities that go beyond issues of security - it is not difficult to appreciate the confusion that surrounds the Western alliance at this time.

Whether hardcore realist, or ardent idealist, anyone who believes in the idea of the West must also wish to see the alliance continue, and encourage its transformation into a more cohesive, effective force. At this particular juncture in history there are some basic facts that necessitate a very frank approach. For many in the non-Western world, the West represents a destination, a target, a dream and a future. However much Westerners criticize the way they have lived - and there is plenty to scorn - during the past 60 years, the West has offered a safe haven for the oppressed, a future for immigrants, a beacon of hope for those enslaved. It has offered economic opportunity, shared knowledge, open gates to newcomers seeking a better tomorrow, all because concepts of human rights, respect for individual freedoms, and free, unhindered dialogue are respected, protected, cherished values. The collective role of the Western alliance in maintaining these values should not be downplayed.

Furthermore, for the first time in the post-1945 era, there are real and immediate crises around the world that transcend boundaries and whose nature is only partially military. For example, in recent weeks, there have been statements by senior officials of the United Nations, the World Bank, the IMF, and elsewhere, pointing to a grave crisis in the availability of food, and warning that scarcity at such critical levels may lead to wars. Even the most skeptical student of history will be tempted to draw parallels to the Roman Empire in the 3rd-5th centuries C.E., besieged by hungry tribes seeking refuge from marauding invaders in the steppes, or worse, climatic changes that devastated their crops and hunting grounds.

It is doubtful whether a "Fortress West" mentality is the answer in a world whose countries are increasingly interlinked, but it is also clear that the West will have to play an increasingly active role, both at its borders and in more distant lands, if it is to preserve its shared interests and values, and also help others survive in increasingly difficult natural and political circumstances. Similarly, if crises like Darfur − a Western failure par excellence − are not to become increasingly common, the Western alliance must undergo the necessary changes to become more effective and its governments must find the wherewithal for the sacrifices this requires.

Michalis Firillas

18 April, 2008

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/976271.html